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Reviews
383
Mahnberg is a master of diachronic no less than of synchronic phonology. One hopes that the publication of a comprehensive history of Spanish (Castilian) consonantism, announced in these pages (459), will aot be long delayed. It is of course inevitable that in an anthology of this kind, spanning so many years of activity and dealing wlth related subjects, repetitions should occur; yet many things surely bear repeating - aa(l .besides, many readers, unlike the reviewer, will not read through the book from cover to cover. And it is also inevitable that a reviewer might find points of disagreement with the author; yet these are remarkably few, and not of fundamental i m ~ r t a n c e . (I have, I believe, gone beyond Malmberg in the description, definition, and synchronic and diachronic application of the syllable in a recent book of mine; but ! suspect that Malmberg will agree with my basic theses, especially since they are not innocent of Malmbergian influence.) Malmberg has been (and, one hopes, will loag continue to be) an extremely industrious and fruitful author. Whoever does not know his works, ought to. This book offers an excellent o p p o r t u n i t y to, become acquainted.
Lars Johanson, Aspekt im Turkischen: Vorstudien zu einer Beschreibung des turkeiturkischen AspektsTstems. Stuui;) Turcica Upsaliensia, 1. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Uppsala, 1971. 334 pp. Reviewed by A.A. Barentsen. Slavic Seminar, Univ. of Amsterdam, The Netherlands. The semantic analysis of some o~' the verbal suffixes m modern Turkish presented in this book is an interesting contrit~ution to aspectological literature. The author is familiar with many works on questions of 'Tense' and 'Aspect' in lndot!uropean languages which enables him to show various parallels between the distinctions that operate in the Turkish verb system and the distinctions in the verb system of e.g. Germanic, Romance, and Slavonic languages. In this respect the book sometimes seems to play the r01e of a 'reader in aspectology' and can be recommended to anyone who is engaged in the study of similar categories in other languages as well, the more so as only an elementary knowledge of Turkish is required to follow the argument (the author has given a translation to almost all examples). The book contains 8 chapters, of which the l i~st one ( 1 3 - 4 6 ) is devoted to the theoretical framework. The author states here that a proper description of the invariant ~eaning of the various units demands taking into account the structural properties of the aspecto-temporal system. The contradictions and omissions in previous descriptions are due to the disregard of these properties (13) and to the so-called 'temporalism', the attempt to define the units of the system using exclusively temporal criteria (49). Thus, semantic analysis can be successful only if the units are not regarded 'in s e ' but in their interrelation within linguistic oppositions (28). One certainly can agree with this, but less easily with the a priori assumption that all these oppositions are necessarily of the 'privative' type in the sense of Jakobson (1932). The main point is here the status of the unmarked member of the opposition. In Jakobson's conception the members of a morphological category are
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divided into oppositions of the following ty0e: the marked mem ~er indicates the presence of a certain property whereas the unmarked member does not indicate this property~ i.e., it does not say, whether this property is present cr not (Jakobson 1971:3). This statement is interpreted by Johanson as follows: the marked member indicates the presence of a certain ldee, (x), whereas the unmarl, ed member can represent not only the negation of this Idee, (~), but can be neutral with respect to this Idee as well, (2). In the latter case it represents only the 'basi; of comparison' (32). One would like to know, then, in which cases the negative i~ea is meant, and in which cases the neutral. In Johanson's conception this apparentl) depends on the frame of reference (context and speech situation) which can 'actu~.lize' the opposition, whereby the unmarked member has the negative value (41 ~. (However, he admits that in practice it is often impossible to make the distinction between the negative and the neutral value (32).) It is not clear to me what i~ meant here by 'actualization'. Obviously its counterpart, 'non-actualization', is t o t the same as 'syntagmatic neutralisation', as found, e.g., in the normal use of tile singular after cardinal numbers in Turkish, to which Johanson himself remarks that there is no meanhag at all (36). It seems to me that most of the oppositions Jot~anson describes in his book are of the the type 'signalization of x: signalization of non-x' rather than th ~. Jakobsonian type %~gnalization of x: non-signalization oi: x'. (An exception might be the opposition mi~tir: mi~ (306).) Object of the analysis are those segments of finite verb forms (morphemes or morpheme combinations), occurring between the verb stem and the personal suffixes, which are not entirely modal ( 1 6 - 1 8 ) . (Suffixes expressing voice, causation, potentiality, negation and A ktionsart are supposed to be part of the verb stem, the lexeme.) The 'tense suffixes' found in this way can be divided into minimal forms (consisting of one morpheme): iyor, ir, dL and mi~, and non-minimal forms: Ca) not containing a second lexeme; (b) containing the lexeme ol- 'to be', 'to become', or bulun- 'to be found'. Type (b) is not taken into consideration in this book (with the exception of some remarks ~t the very end, 3 1 0 - 3 1 4 ) . Type (a), the non-periphrastic, non-minimal forms, includes: ( 1) The infinitive in reek + the locative suffix de: mekte. (2) The minimal forms and mekte + the past-tense indicator idi: iyordu, irdi, diydi, misti, and mekteydi. (3) Some of the minimal forms and mekte + dir (suffix, indicating 'supposition'), mainly mi~tir and mektedir. (4) The minimal forms (with the exception of di) and mekte + imi~ the 'inferential' suffix): iyormu~, irmi~, miami, and mekteymi~. Johanson excludes the 'future-tense' suffix ecek from the inventory of forms under investigation, because he regards it as a non-indicative form since it does not refer to events that really take place or have taken place (18). It seems to me that such a definition of indicativeness, excluding every possible re(erence to the future, is nct very satisfying. The other reason for the exclusior, of ecek, its non-participation in the aspect system, might be more acceptable. Some of the above-mentioned forms can occar in different syntactic positions. For the establishment of their semantic content the author concentrates on the finite verb position in which all these forms are mutually commutable ( 2 4 - 2 7 ) .
Re~,iews
385
Sometimes the author comments on the functions of units in other positions as well, but he does not give a systematic account of tile relations between the content of units in different syntactic positions, because the requir~:d syntactic description falls outside the scope of the book (25). On the whole he seems to mistrust the semartic a u t o n o m y of tile morpheme. Thus he does not really try to describe the content of units like iyordu and irdi as the sum of the contents of the c o m p o n e n t morphemes O'or, ir and idi. It might be that he regards this as a task for a following study (after all. the subtitle of his book points to its preliminary character), although there seems to be a more principal reason, which is not explicitly explained, however ( 26, 27). In the second chapter, 'Tempus und Diskurstypus' ( 4 7 - 8 4 } . Johanson first tries to obtain a base for the comparison of aspectual properties by dividing the .arious units into a group of units that expresses the temporal relation 'anleriority' in some w~y, and a group of units that does not expres,; this relatio,~. 'Anteriority' is defined as a relation of (.rdcr) • that presur~poses, two terms: the localization po;nt a:ld the orientation point. The localization point ts situated before the orientation point ( 55). The first group of units contains the non-minima~l forms witn the ~, orpheme idi: O'ordu. irdi. di)'di, mqti, and mekteydi together with two ol the minimal forms: di and tni~. The combinations with idi express the idea 'tunc'. ]'his meaning is defined as a'switching-off of actuality, a dissociation of the closest reality, which can be interpreted temporally or otherwise' (52~. This definition accounts for the temporal rt'lation of anteriority and also for the function of expressing unrezlity with reference to the present. The minimal units di and m q both express anteriority as well. but with di the orientation point is almost without exception 'deictic' (i.e., tt'e 'speech m o m e n t ' ) , while m q can be used with other orientation points as well. It could be expected th~,t mi§ti and diydi (from the morphological point of view combinations of mi~ and di with idi) should both refer to 'past in the past' - the so-called 'plusquamperfectum'. As a matter of fact only mi~ti plays this r61e (58 ....62), dfydi being a past tense form which emphasizes 'distance' in the last, i.e., the lJegation of pcssible traces of the event in the present. In the written language its use comparatively rare ( 3 0 8 - 3 0 9 ) . Thus, the units iyordu, mekteydi, ird, ,zqti, diydi, mi~, and di all have in common a reference to events that have som,~ relation to a localization point which has, in turn, a relation of anteriority to a certain orie~atation point. With all these units the orientation point can be the speech moment. Sometimes the speaker's attention is directed primarily to the localization point, or else the orientation point is felt as more important and serves as a kind of 'point of control'. These two varieties are called the 'histc,rical' and the 'diagnostic' ,dimension of the anteriority relation respectively (67). Tl~e differences between the above-mentioned units concern the relations between tl~e event and either of the two terms of the anteriority relation (Johanson's 'aspectual' relations). They form the main object of the study. The author distinguishes three relevant aspectual ideas in modern Turkish: Intraterr,~inalitiit, Priignanz, and Postterm inalita t. The first aspectual idea, Intraterminolitilt, which is alternatively called ldee A, is the most important one of the system. It is the subject of chapter 3 ( 8 8 - 1 1 6 ) . This
386
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idea is described as a subjective way of looking which leaves the outer limits of the event (terminus initialis and terminus finalis) out of sight (I01). Three ueits, zyordu, mekteydi, and irdi represent this idea. Together they form the. marked member of a privative opposition with di as the unmarked member (114). The three intraterminal units differ from each other in respect of the second aspectual idea, Priignanz (also called Idee B), i.e., the maximal realization of the event at the focus (134). The notion lbcus in this definition is not made very clear. If I am not mistaken, the focus is not meant to be identical with the localization point, but it is not discussed where the difference lies. Johanson gives the following information: the concept of lntraterminalitit't presupposes that the event is observed from a point between its outer limits. This point bears strong resemblance to the point 'now' (in the case of the 'deictic present'), but can be localized in the past too (130, 134). When the event is presented as actually occurring at the focus, the degree of Pr~ignanz is maximal. The minimal degree of Pr~ignanz is presented when the focus is characterized by the event although the event is not actually occurring at that moment, i.e., when the event is viewed as habitual or possible. (The idea of minimal Priignanz seems to be very close to the semantic unit generic in Chafe (1970: 1 6 8 - 1 7 0 ) ) . The units iyordu and mekteydi together form the marked member of the Pri~granz opposition and irdi is the unmarked member. Within the marked member the unit mekteydi represents a higher degree of Pragnanz than iyordu and Johanson concludes that the opposition mektey,li-iyordz,-irdi has a gradual character (139). It is not clear, then, why the author nevertheless thinks it necessary to regard this opposition as a privative one. He further states that the relations between the non-anteriority units mekte, iyor, and ir are parallel with those between mekteydi, iyordu, and irdi. This sounds quite reasonable although it seems to lead to a contradiction in the theory, because the concept of Pragnanz as it is presented here seems to have a clear relation with the concept of lntraterminalitat, whereas Johanson himself states that the units mekte, (vor, and ir are indifferent as to lntraterminalitiit (131). On the whole, the statements about the structural relations of these units (ch. 4, 1 1 8 - 1 4 3 ) do not strike me as very convincing. On the other hand, chapter 5 ( 1 4 4 - 1 9 3 ) , where the functioaing of the Prtlgnanz opposition is treated, contains many interesting observations. The units that are marked in both the Intraterminalitiit opposition and the Pr~ignanz opposition, i.e., iyordu and mekteydi, are called kursiv. The opposite of kursiv is konstativ; the latter is rel~,:esented by the unit di. Johanson regards the opposition kursiv-konstativ as the main aspectual opposition (194). The chapters devoted to the functioning of this opposition (chs. 6 and 7, 1 9 4 - 2 7 6 ) are the most convincing of the book. In particular chapter 6, 'Aspekt und Aktionalphrase' is highly interesting: it contains a discussion of one of the main descriptive problems connected with the functioning of aspectual entities, namely the establishment of verb classes according to the effect produced by the combination of the aspects with the lexical properties of the verb. Chapter 8, the last chapter of the book ( 2 7 7 - 3 1 4 ) , is devoted to the third aspectual idea: Postterminalitiit. Here the main problem is the description of the content of the unit mi~, which has such a particularly wide range of meanings that some linguists prefer to break it up into two homonymous forms. However, Johan-
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387
son states that all different uses have one semantic feature in common: Postterminalitat, i.e., the event is not viewed directly, the attention is primarily focused on the situation after the 'critical' limit of the event (mosUy the final limit, but in some verbs the initial limit) (283). (Cf. the semantic unit perfective in Chafe 1970: 171.) When mi~ is combined with the anteriority morpheme idi in the complex unit mi~ti the postterminal situation is transferred to the past. In such cases no d o u b t is expres~d with regard to the existence of the event. When mi~ is used alone, the postterminal situation can be the situation at the speech moment (the 'deictic present'). In such cases mi~ can be interpreted in such a way, that the situation at the speech m o m e n t contains some indication that before the spee, h m o m e n t the event took place, although this is not stated explicitly. Jchan,:on follows Lewis in calling the latter function 'inferential'. The combinatiion of mi{ and dir, mi~tir, raises a special problem, because its functions differ considerably between 'informal speech' and the official newspaper style. In the official style dlr merely neutralizes the inferential shade of mi§, whereas in informal style it can be used either to indicate a supposition or witt~ an emphasizing function. Johanson points to the same range of meanings in adverbs like Turk. her halde 'presamably' (but lit. 'in any c a ~ ' ) and Engl. sure[ly]. The various shades of meaning treat this combination displays depend on the different members of the grammatical: category 'Person', as is discussed at some length. In section 7 of the last chapter Johanson discusses the structural relations between mi§tir, mi~ and di ( 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ) . The discussion is based on the assumption that all aspectual oppositions are of the 'privative' type in the sense mentioned above. I already have expressed my doubts concerning such a conception and can only say that the scheme presented on p. 306 looks unneces~.~arily complicated and not very enlightening. Limitation of space does not allow me to discuss some other interesting topics in the book like, e.g., the exposition of the different discourse types ( 7 6 - 8 7 ) , the establishment of various classes of lexemes in ch. 6 mentioned above, and the comparison of the main aspect opposition iyordu, mekteydi-di with: the opposition between imperfective and perfective verb forms in R t.~ssian (ch. 3). The Russian examples are correctly interpreted with the exception of the sentence on p. 9 7 , J a sxodii k tabaEnikam '1 have been to the tobacconists', where the verb form sxodil is mistakenly interpreted as imperfective. (There are two h o m o n y m o u s verbs sxodit': one is the imperfective 'partner' of sojti 'go/come down', and the other is a perfectirum tantum, meaning 'go somewhere for a short visit and return'. The latter is the one us.~d in the example. This fact, however, even strengthens Johanson's argument in the relevant section.) it will be understood that the disagreement about some of the theoretical starting points that 1 have put forward in this review is but a natural consequence of the comple~ problems inherent in the semantics of grammatical categories. I can only hope that these remarks may draw the attention of other aspectologists to this stimulating book.
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References Chafe, W.L., 1970. Meaning and the structure of language. Chicago, London: Univ. of Chicago Press. Jakobson, R.. 1971. Selected writings, lI: Word and language. The Hague, Paris: Mouton.
S.V. Shanmugam, Dravidian nouns: a comparative study. Annamalai University, Department of Linguistics, publication no. 25. Annamalai University, Annamalainagar, 1971. xv, 413 pp. Rs. 8.00. Reviewed by M.B. Emeneau, Dept. of Linguistics, Univ. of California, Berkeley, U.S.A. Dravidian comparative and historical studies have by now entered upon tile stage of a concerted attack on the morphology. Phonological studies have by no means exhausted the possibilities of the material. The main outlines, however, are firmly drawn, and one can expect slow but steady progress in filling in details and in solving more difficult problems. The morphology was, until 1971, at about the point where Caldwell and Bloch had left it (in respectively 1856/1875 and 1946), as P.S Subrahmanyam so accurately said (1971: i-ii). To this bald statement one must at once add the qualification that studies, some of the greatest substance and im?ortance, were made in various sections of the field, both before and after 1946: a report up to about 1966 is in the article on 'Comparative Dravidian studies' by Krishnamurti in Current trends in linguistics 5 ( ! 9 6 9 : 3 i 8 - 2 1 ). We now have the much-needed aid to morphological studies in two volumes from scholars of Annamalai University, this one on the noun by Shanmugam and th~.t on the verb by Subrahmanyam (1971), to whose general introduction i have referred above. Both follow essentially the same procedure, which Subrahmanyam has outlined (ii-iii). In each chapter the first part presents descriptive statements for each of the languages for which there is available material, and the second part 'a :omparative treatment of the various suffixes and of the morphological and the syntactic constructions'. Shanmugam's volume contains treatment of the noun stems in chapter 2 ( ' G e n d e r - n u m b e r ' ) , numerals in chapter 3, and personal pronouns ( l s t , 2nd, and reflexives) in chapter 4. Chapter 5 on 'inflectional increments' and chapter 6 on 'cases' deal with the case inflection of nouns, numerals, and pronouns. Chapter 1 ('Classification') deals in a preliminary way with the gender classification of the various languages, with concord, and with such other types of classification as animate vs inanimate, count nouns vs mass nouns, nouns of time, nouns of place, and abstract nouns. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns are treated only incidentally in chapter 1 (for their gender and number forms) and in chapter 4; in this latter place ~,175-6) they are mentioned only to state that, since their bases t~ ke adjectival and adverbial suffixes, complete analysis 'does not come under the perview [sic] of this work' and is not attempted. Dravidian structure being what it is, treatment of the noun (as thus defined) and of the verb practically exhausts it. It is disappointing, therefore, that this volume does not include treatment of the
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